The  Korean  Situation 


Number  2 


Issued  by 

The  Commission  on  Relations  with  the  Orient 

of  the 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


105  East  22d  Street,  New  York  City 


mil  197' 


MEMBERS 

Commission  on  Relations  With  the  Orient 
of  THE 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


Rev.  William  I.  Haven,  Chairman. 
Rev.  Sidney  L.  Gulick,  Secretary. 


Atkinson,  Rev.  Henry  A. 
Avison,  Dr.  O.  R. 

Barrows,  Prof.  David  P. 
Bartholomew,  Rev.  Allen  R. 
Briggs,  Rev.  A.  H. 
Brockman,  F.  S. 

Brown,  Rev.  Arthur  J. 
Chamberlain,  Rev.  Wm.  I. 
Clyce,  Rev.  Thomas  S. 
Cochran,  George  I. 

Corey,  Rev.  Stephen  J. 
Crawford,  Hanford 
Delk,  Rev.  Edwin  Heyl 
Guy,  Prof.  H.  H. 

Hendrix,  Bishop  E.  R. 

Holt,  Hamilton 
Hurrey,  Charles  D. 

Jenks,  Prof.  Jeremiah  W. 


Johnson,  Rev.  H.  B. 

Lawson,  Rev.  Albert  G. 
Lennon,  John  B. 

Lynch,  Rev.  Frederick 
McConnell,  Bishop  Francis  J, 
Macfarland,  Rev.  Chas.  S. 
Mathews,  Dean  Shailer 
Mott,  Dr.  John  R. 

Nash,  Pres.  C.  S. 

North,  Rev.  Frank  Mason 
Olney,  Warren,  Jr. 

Scudder,  Rev.  Doremus 
Speer,  Dr.  Robert  E. 

Strong,  Rev.  Sydney 
Temple,  Hon.  Henry  W. 
Turner,  Fennell  P. 

Williams,  Prof.  F.  W. 

Wolf,  Rev.  Luther  B. 


FOREWORD 


In  July.  1919,  the  Commission  on  Relations  with  the  Orient 
of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 
issued  a pamphlet  entitled  “The  Korean  Situation : An  Authen- 
tic Account  of  Recent  Events  by  Eye  Witnesses.”  From  the 
introduction  to  the  pamphlet  the  following  paragraphs  may 
fittingly  be  quoted  by  way  of  introduction  to  the  present  state- 
ment : 

“The  Commission  wishes  to  state  with  utmost  clearness  that 
as  a Commission  it  is  not  concerning  itself  with  the  political 
questions  involved  in  the  Korean  Independence  Movement. 
Whether  or  not  Korea  should  be  granted  political  independence 
is  not  a question  upon  which  it  is  called  to  express  judgment. 
The  Commission  is,  however,  concerned  with  all  right-minded 
men  that  brutality,  torture,  inhuman  treatment,  religious  perse- 
cution, and  massacres  shall  cease  everywhere.  The  evidence  of 
the  wide  prevalence  of  such  deeds  in  Korea  has  become  con- 
vincing. 

“In  dealing  with  this  situation,  there  is  need  of  an  accurately 
informed  and  just  public  opinion,  able  in  its  criticism  of  Japan 
to  discriminate  between  the  reactionary  and  militaristic  forces 
on  the  one  hand  and  those  that  are  liberal  and  progressive  on 
the  other  hand.  Wholesome  and  fair  criticism  will  recognize 
the  disaster  that  has  come  upon  the  whole  world  through  the 
spirit  and  practice  of  militarism.  Japan,  too,  has  been  caught 
in  its  meshes.  But  in  Japan,  too,  as  in  other  lands,  there  is  a 
liberal,  anti-militaristic  movement,  led  by  humane  and  progres- 
sive men  who,  we  believe,  share  the  distress  of  mind  which  their 
friends  in  America  feel  over  what  is  being  done  in  Korea.” 

Since  the  publication  of  that  pamphlet  events  of  importance 
have  been  taking  place  in  Korea,  in  Japan  and  in  America.  The 
Commission  is  in  possession  of  fresh  information  which  it  feels 
should  be  made  public.  Friends  of  Korea  and  Japan  should  not 
only  know  what  the  actual  situation  is  but  should  have  accurate 
facts  on  which  to  base  their  judgments  and  determine  their  ac- 
tions. Conditions  are  rapidly  developing  in  which  are  wrapped 
possibilities  both  of  danger  and  of  hope. 


1 


I— THE  INDEPENDENCE  UPRISING 


1.  The  Political  and  Psychological  Background 

Korea  was  annexed  by  Japan  in  1910.  A military  Govern- 
ment General  was  set  up  which  soon  established  order,  intro- 
duced a system  of  rigorous  control  of  the  people,  and  completely 
disarmed  them.  It  also  undertook  large  enterprises  for  the  bet- 
terment of  the  physical  conditions  of  the  land  including  such 
matters  as  improvement  of  agricultural  methods  and  products, 
afforestation  of  the  hills,  building  of  roads  and  railroads,  opening 
of  a public  school  system,  enforcement  of  hygienic  conditions, 
and  the  introduction  of  economic  facilities  such  as  banks  and 
postal  savings.  Under  this  governmental  direction  the  economic, 
industrial,  agricultural  and  intellectual  improvement  of  the 
people  was  marked  and  unquestioned.  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, a policy  of  complete  enforced  assimilation  to  Japan  was 
adopted  and  drastically  carried  out.  The  official  language  of  the 
Government  General  and  the  Courts  was  Japanese,  the  public 
school  system  was  designed  to  eliminate  Korean  and  to  use  the 
Japanese  language  exclusively.  With  the  usual  psychological 
blindness  of  military  rulers  who  know  of  no  methods  save  those 
of  compulsion  by  law  or  force,  Japanese  holidays  were  intro- 
duced by  “order,”  patriotism  toward  Japan  was  to  be  displayed 
and  even  the  worship  of  the  Mikado  was  enforced  in  the  schools 
and  on  public  official  occasions. 

The  results  were  quite  contrary  to  Japanese  expectations. 
The  efforts  to  eliminate  the  Korean  national  consciousness 
served  rather  to  strengthen  it.  The  minute  control  of  Korean 
life  by  rigid  laws  and  police  regulations,  administered  by  aliens 
who  could  not  speak  the  native  language,  many  of  whom  had 
no  sympathy  for  the  people,  but  rather  despised  and  treated 
them  as  an  inferior  and  conquered  race, — became  more  and 
more  unbearable  as  the  people  advanced  in  general  knowledge 
and  understood  what  was  happening  in  the  world  at  large  and 
also  what  was  happening  to  them. 

When,  therefore,  the  Great  War  came  to  an  end  with  the 
complete  downfall  of  German  militarism,  and  when  the  vic- 
torious nations  formally  accepted  President  Wilson’s  “fourteen 
points,”  among  which  was  the  principle  of  “self-determination” 
of  subject  peoples,  it  was  altogether  natural  that  patriotic 


Koreans  should  be  filled  with  ardent  hope  that  the  day  had 
come  for  their  own  liberation  from  intolerable  conditions.  They 
felt  that  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  make  clear  to  the  world 
how  intolerable  those  conditions  were,  believing  that  the  Paris 
Peace  Conference  was  about  to  give  freedom  to  all  subject  peo- 
ples that  made  clear  the  justice  of  their  appeals. 

Such  in  briefest  terms  was  the  political  and  psychological 
situation  in  Korea  in  the  winter  of  1918-1919. 

A brief  statement  seems  desirable  as  to  the  strength  of  the 
Christian  movement  in  Korea.  The  population  of  Korea  is 
approximately  17,000,000.  Members  of  Protestant  Churches  in 
December,  1918,  numbered  87,278,  while  “adherents,”  including 
“probationers,”  baptized  children  and  “others,”  brought  the 
Christian  population  of  Korea  up  to  219,220.  Ordained  pastors 
numbered  231  while  unordained  workers,  Bible  teachers  and 
others  giving  full  time  to  Christian  work,  brought  the  total  up 
to  1,226.  Contributions  of  Koreans  in  support  of  their  Churches 
amounted  in  1918  to  Y 379,426.00,  approximately  $189,713.  Adding 
the  Roman  and  Greek  Catholic  enrollments  brings  the  total  Chris- 
tian population  up  to  318,708. 

2.  The  Passive  Resistance  Uprising 

No  more  remarkable  “revolution”  has  taken  place  in  recent 
history  than  that  which  occurred  in  Korea  beginning  March  1, 
1919.  The  plan  was  to  secure  independence  by  moral  force, 
without  resort  to  violence.  The  “passive”  part  of  the  program 
was  carried  out  with  extraordinary  success.  The  thirty-three 
signers  of  the  “Declaration  of  Independence”  notified  the  police 
of  their  act  and  of  the  place  where  they  might  be  found  and 
arrested.  For  two  months  large  gatherings  of  Koreans  as- 
sembled in  hundreds  of  towns  and  villages  to  shout  “Mansei” — 
independence  for  “ten  thousand  years.”  Though  fired  upon  by 
the  police,  sabred,  bayonetted,  arrested,  beaten,  tortured,  and 
punished  by  court  judgments,  the  persistence  of  the  movement 
has  been  phenomenal,  and  the  slight  amount  of  retaliation  by 
the  Koreans  has  been  amazing. 

The  missionaries  were  as  ignorant  of  the  revolutionary  plans 
as  the  Government  General.  Suspicions  of  the  missionaries 
were  at  first  entertained  by  the  Japanese  and  charges  against 
them  were  made,  but  no  responsible  Japanese  now  regards 
those  suspicions  and  charges  as  valid.  Buddhists  as  well  as 


3 


Christians  have  been  active  in  the  movement,  and  students  in 
government  as  well  as  in  mission  schools. 

3.  Japanese  Efforts  to  Suppress  the  Movement 

The  efforts  of  the  police,  gendarmes  and  soldiers  to  prevent 
and  to  suppress  the  “demonstrations”  led  to  procedures  and 
practices,  now  widely  condemned  not  only  in  other  lands  but  by  many 
enlightened  Japanese.  Churches  were  burned  and  entire  villages 
destroyed  in  efforts  of  terrorization.  It  is  not  necessary  to  give 
further  detailed  statements  of  these  matters.  They  have  been  pub- 
lished in  many  daily  and  weekly  papers  and  in  our  own  pamphlet 
on  the  “Korean  Situation.”  The  statistics  given  out  by  the  Govern- 
ment General  of  Korea  in  January,  1920,  concerning  the  facts  as 
reported  up  to  October,  1919,  are  manifestly  incomplete,  yet  they 
give  some  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  movement  and  of  the  tragedy 
that  has  been  taking  place. 

The  total  number  of  villages  where  demonstrations  took 
place,  as  reported  in  May,  1919,  was  577.  Rioting  took  place  in 
236  of  these  villages,  while  in  341  the  crowds  were  ordered  to 
disperse  and  did  so  without  further  incident.  Of  the  236  p’aces 
where  rioting  occurred  fire-arms  were  used  by  the  police  in 
185  places,  deaths  occurring  therefrom  in  105  villages. 


Japanese  (chiefly  policemen)  killed  by  Koreans 9 

Japanese  who  were  wounded 186 


Koreans  killed,  631.  Koreans  wounded  and  treated  in 
police  or  government  institutions,  1,409.  No  statis- 
tics are  given  of  the  wounded  who  were  treated 
privately. 


Total  number  arrested  (March  1 — July  20,  1919) 28,934 

Flogged  and  apparently  released  by  order  of  gendarmes 

(March  1 — July  20)  9,078 

Examined  by  Procurators  (March  1 — October  31,  1919)..  17,999 
Set  free  without  trial  “ “ “ “ “ ..  7,116 

Committed  to  trial  “ “ “ “ “ . . 8,993 

Sent  to  prison  “ “ “ “ “ . . 5,156 

Sentences  remitted  on  “good  behavior”  (March  1 — 

October  31,  1919)  282 

Sent  to  higher  court  for  retrial  (March  1 — October  31, 

1919)  1,838 

Flogged  by  order  of  Court  and  set  free  (March  1 — Oc- 
tober 31,  1919)  1,514 

Buildings  and  Government  Offices  destroyed 209 

Churches  totally  (17)  or  partially  (24)  destroyed — in- 
cluded in  the  above  figure  (209)  41 


4 


The  aggregate  loss  on  the  Churches  is  roughly  estimated 

at  $30,000 

This  does  not  include  a school  building  at  Osan  valued  at  $5,000 
In  the  early  part  of  the  uprisings,  church  property  was  wan- 
tonly destroyed  by  Japanese  soldiers  and  gendarmes  in  three 
centers,  Sensen,  Pyengyang  and  Suwon.  In  the  latter  district 
“the  infamous  massacre  took  place  in  a Methodist  Church,  where 
13  Christians,  11  Tendokyo  believers  and  two  women  were  shot 
down  in  cold  blood.  In  this  section  whole  villages  were  burned 
and  even  one  Buddhist  temple,  along  with  the  Churches.” 
(Japan  Advertizer,  March  30,  1920.) 

Among  the  tortures  and  brutalities  dwelt  on  by  writers  and 
especially  emphasized  by  the  American  press  were  those  dealing 
with  young  women  and  school  girls  who  were  stripped  and 
examined,  tortured  and  maltreated.  No  charge  is  made  of  rape 
under  these  conditions.  Inquiry  as  to  the  number  thus  treated 
brings  the  reply  that  no  exact  statistics  are  available. 

In  October  and  November,  1919,  a fresh  outburst  of  torture 
was  resorted  to,  with  new  methods  not  before  used  in  Korea.  At 
the  same  time  the  treatment  of  women  was  “far  more  humane.” 
Dr.  F.  W.  Schofield’s  persistent  efforts  in  “unearthing  cases 
of  torture  and  exposing  them”  has  aparently  had  salutary  effect 
High  officials  repeatedly  denied  that  there  were  any  tortures 
The  Chief  of  Police,  Mr.  Akaike,  has,  howover,  issued  a warning 
to  his  subordinates — according  to  the  Seoul  Press — “that  this 
‘brutal  system’  must  be  abolished.” 

At  the  annual  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Pres- 
byterian Churches  held  in  October,  1919,  statistics  were  given 
as  to  the  number  of  Korean  Presbyterians  who  had  suffered 
because  of  the  Independence  Movement.  From  these  statistics 
the  following  summary  is  taken : 


Total  number  arrested  3,804  j 

Pastors  and  Elders  arrested  134 

Helpers  and  leaders  arrested  202 

Male  members  arrested  2,125 

Women  arrested  531 

Beaten  and  released  2,162 

Shot  and  killed  , 41 

Beaten  to  death  • 6 

Still  in  prison  1,642 

Churches  destroyed  12 


These  figures  deal  only  with  Presbyterians. 


5 


4.  Action  by  the  Federated  Missions  of  Japan 

On  August  6,  1919,  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Federated 
Missions  of  Japan  adopted  and  published  a statement  regarding 
the  Korean  situation  that  received  serious  attention  among  re- 
sponsible Japanese  leaders.  We  give  it  in  full: 

Knowing  Japan  as  we  do  at  first  hand  and  having  enjoyed  for 
many  years  under  Japanese  'law  the  blessings  of  justice  and  freedom 
and  the  fullest  protection  of  life  and  property,  we  found  it  exceedingly 
difficult  to  believe  that  the  stories  of  inhuman  cruelty  and  outrages, 
committed  upon  the  people  of  Korea  by  agents  of  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment in  the  suppression  of  the  recent  uprising,  could  be  true,  when 
these  stories  first  came  to  our  ears.  We  were  inexpressibly  shocked 
and  amazed  at  these  reports.  We  have  been  forced  to  believe  that  the 
reports  are  substantially  true  and  that  the  people  of  Korea  have  en- 
dured sufferings  which  are  unjust  and  unnecessary  and  which  might 
easily  be  ended  once  for  all,  if  the  methods  of  administration  were 
divested  of  that  harshness  and  cruelty  which  are  so  strangely  at 
variance  with  the  high  and  enlightened  principles  according  to  which 
Japan  proper  is  now  governed  and  with  that  kindheartedness  in  which 
Japan  as  a people  abounds. 

We  have  felt,  and  still  feel,  confidence  in  the  generous  aims  of  the 
Imperial  Government,  whose  just  and  humane  principles  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  Japan  are  apparent  to  us  who  live  in  Japan,  and  to  all 
the  world.  We  have  faith  in  the  settled  purpose  of  the  Government 
to  bring  about  reforms  wherever  such  reforms  fall  within  the  province 
of  the  Government  to  effect.  We  bear  testimony  to  the  passion  for 
enlightenment  which  is  an  indomitable  impulse  throughout  the  heart 
of  the  nation,  and  which  has  brought  about  such  general  progress  during 
the  half  century  since  Japan  was  opened  to  the  world. 

We  have  rejoiced  in  the  many  improvements  brought  about  in 
Korea  since  that  country  came  under  the  authority  of  the  Japanese 
Government.  We  do  not  wish  to  condone  any  mistakes  the  Korean 
people  may  have  made  nor  do  we  disregard  the  inherent  difficulty 
always  attached  to  such  an  administrative  task  as  that  in  hand  in 
Korea. 

But  we  wish  to  give  clear  and  public  expression  to  our  unmingled 
sympathy  with  those  of  the  Korean  people  to  whom  recent  troubles 
have  brought  cruel  and  unmerited  suffering.  And  we  wish  to  give  our 
moral  support — and  this  is  the  chief  reason  for  making  this  statement — 
to  any  steps  looking  to  a real  and  permanent  bettering  of  conditions 
in  Korea. 

We  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  first,  our  earnest  desire  that 
the  official  administration  in  that  country  may  become  more  just  and 
humane,  as  far  as  possible  free  from  discrimination,  and  offer  to  the 
Korean  people  the  opportunities  for  economic  advancement  for  which 
the  human  soul  everywhere  hungers;  secondly,  that  the  Korean  people 


6 


may  be  permitted  to  exercise  without  annoyance  or  vexation  or  the 
haunting  presence  of  spies  and  police,  that  liberty  of  faith  and  worship 
which  is  the  very  substance  of  human  life  and  progress;  and  thirdly, 
that  the  Koreans  may  be  given  facilities  to  enjoy  to  the  fullest  degree 
and  without  discrimination,  the  advantages  of  a modern  education. 

Although  up  to  the  present  time,  there  has  not  been  among 
Japanese  that  outspoken  protest  to  which  one  would  think  an  enlightened 
public  opinion  would  give  expression  in  view  of  the  conditions  pre- 
scribed, yet  we  note  with  much  satisfaction  evidences  now  appearing 
almost  daily  that  an  increasing  number  of  Japanese  are  feeling  a sense 
of  responsibility  for  events  in  Korea.  We  are  encouraged  by  the 
publicity  this  question  has  begun  to  receive  in  the  Japanese  press 
and  by  the  agitation  for  reform  which  Japanese  leaders  are  now  carry- 
ing on.  We  add  our  own  appeal  w'ith  the  hope  that  we  may  con- 
tribute thereby,  however  slightly,  to  the  hastening  of  reforms  in  Korea, 
the  urgency  of  which  is  so  apparent. 

We  are  moved  to  make  this  statement  by  the  genuine  respect  and 
affection  which  we  have  for  Japan,  and  by  our  desire  to  identify  our- 
selves wholeheartedly  with  every  aspiration  and  effort  of  the  Japanese 
people  for  the  achievement  of  the  highest  human  welfare  and  .the 
perfecting  of  lasting  reforms. 


II— THE  RESPONSE  OF  THE  JAPANESE  GOVERNMENT 

1.  Japanese  Ignorance  of  the  Situation 

When  the  Independence  Uprising  occurred  the  advice  of  the 
military  censors  in  Korea  and  Japan  for  a time  completely  pre- 
vented news  of  the  situation  from  being  published  even  in  Japan 
The  first  full  and  connected  account  of  what  had  happened  that 
reached  the  public  were  issued  in  the  American  press. 

Japanese  were  loath  to  believe  the  reports.  As  the  facts, 
however,  were  verified  beyond  doubt  many  Japanese  were  filled 
with  amazement,  indignation  and  shame.  They  began  for  the 
first  time  to  appreciate  what  their  military  Government  in  Korea 
had  been  really  doing.  Not  Japanese  Christians  and  civilians 
alone  felt  thus,  but  responsible  leaders  in  the  Government  also. 
The  result  was  a response  on  the  part  of  the  Government  which 
in  the  light  of  the  customary  dilatoriness  of  Governmental  re- 
sponse for  reform  measures  was  comparatively  prompt.  From 
this  standpoint  it  may  be  said  that  the  Korean  Uprising  was  a 
remarkable  success.  A brief  recital  of  the  efforts  of  the  Japanese 
Government  to  effective  remedies  throws  important  light  on  the 
developing  situation. 


7 


2.  Decision  Reached  by  the  Imperial  Government  in  Tokyo 

During  the  months  of  May  and  June  the  Japanese  press  gave 
some  idea  of  what  was  occurring  in  Korea.  Japanese  public 
opinion  soon  began  to  express  itself.  In  June  a committee  was 
sent  to  Korea  by  the  Christian  Churches  of  Japan  whose  report 
in  July  produced  a deep  impression.  Already  the  cablegrams 
that  passed  between  the  Federal  Council  and  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment gave  assurance  that  the  Government  was  carefully 
considering  what  should  be  done.  In  August  announcement 
was  made  of  the  resignation  of  the  Governor  General  Hasegawa 
in  circumstances  that  apparently  implied  recall,  and  of  the  ap- 
pointment of  Admiral  Baron  Saito  in  his  place  with  instructions 
to  introduce  appropriate  reform  measures  in  harmony  with  the 
times.  This  new  policy  in  general  terms  was  authorized  not 
only  by  the  Cabinet,  but  by  the  Privy  Council  and  it  is  under- 
stood, sanctioned  by  the  Emperor.  No  details  of  the  reform 
program  were  made  public  at  that  time. 

It  is  highly  significant,  however,  of  the  new  regime  that  the 
Government  General  has  been  made  immediately  responsible 
to  the  Diet  and  not  solely  to  the  Throne,  as  heretofore. 

3.  The  New  Governor  General 

The  new  Governor  General,  Admiral  Baron  Saito,  reached 
Korea  September  2,  1919.  While  still  on  the  train  he  gave  to  press 
representatives  a statement  of  his  policy.  In  it,  among  other  things, 
he  said  that  “Ways  and  means  should  be  opened  for  people  to  express 
their  desires  and  dissatisfactions.  There  shall  be  no  arbitrary  inter- 
ference in  the  freedom  of  speech  and  press  or  in  that  of  meetings  and 
associations  as  long  as  these  do  not  stand  in  the  way  of  the  mainten- 
ance of  peace  and  order.  Reforms  shall  be  introduced  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  education,  industry,  police  affairs,  sanitary  and  social 
work  and  so  forth.  It  is  intended  to  introduce  some  new 
features  in  making  life  and  property  securer  and  in  promoting 
popular  happiness.  Above  all,  inasmuch  as  the  improvement  of 
popular  manners  and  customs  and  the  advancement  of  popular 
strength  and  resources  depend  greatly  on  the  ability  of  the 
people  to  govern  themselves,  it  is  intended  to  put  in  force  local 
self-government  at  some  opportune  time  in  future.  With  this  in 
view,  the  study  and  investigation  thereanent  will  immediately 
be  taken  up.” 


8 


An  attempt  was  made  on  the  life  of  the  new  Governor  Gen- 
eral upon  his  arrival  in  Seoul,  in  which  twenty-nine  persons 
suffered  injury,  although  the  Baron  himself  was  unharmed. 

After  eight  months  of  administration,  Dr.  Schofield  in  the  first 
of  three  striking  articles  on  the  “Korean  Reforms”  in  the  japan 
Advertiser  (Tokyo)  of  March  12th,  13th  and  14th,  says: 

“In  face  of  this  handicap  (that  he  was  not  a civilian)  Admiral 
Saito  has  already  succeeded  in  winning  the  confidence  and  es- 
teem of  many  Koreans  who  have  come  into  personal  contact 
with  him.  The  change  was  . . . from  a reactionary  mili- 

tarist to  a genial  and  democratically  inclined  bureaucrat.”  And 
Bishop  Welch  in  the  same  paper  on  March  14  says:  “The 

greatest  hope,  however,  which  the  situation  holds  is  in  the 
genial,  democratic  and  sincere  character  of  the  Governor  General, 
Baron  Saito  . . . His  presence  warrants  ...  an  atti- 

tude of  hopeful  expectation.” 

4.  Conferences  with  Missionaries 

Before  leaving  Japan  Baron  Saito  had  conferred  with  one 
or  more  of  the  most  respected  missionary  leaders  there  regarding 
the  task  he  was  undertaking.  On  arriving  in  Korea  he  took 
early  steps  to  get  into  wholesome  relations  with  the  missionary 
body  there.  At  his  own  request  he  met  them  in  a body  and 
later  in  September  was  presented  with  a statement  of  the  re- 
forms which  in  their  opinion  were  needed.  That. statement  con- 
stitutes a pamphlet  of  a dozen  pages.  An  idea  of  its  frankness 
and  its  proposals  will  be  gathered  from  the  following  abstract: 

To  His  Excellency  Baron  Saito, 

Governor  General  of  Chosen 

The  Federal  Council  of  Protestant  Evangelical  Missions  in  Korea 
respectfully  presents  to  Your  Excellency  for  your  consideration  the 
following  communication: 

We  desire  to  express  the  great  gratification  with  which  we  have 
heard  of  the  plans  for  reform  in  administration.  It  was  a keen  dis- 
appointment to  us,  who  had  lived  in  Korea  under  the  former  govern- 
ment to  find,  that  what  we  had  expected  from  the  Japanese  administra- 
tion after  annexation,  was  not  forthcoming,  but  that  the  military  rule 
to  which  the  country  was  subjected,  restricted  the  religious  liberty 
and  educational  freedom  which  had  been  enjoyed,  introduced  unjust 
discrimination  against  the  Koreans,  and  eventually  imposed  upon  the 
people  such  subjection  and  such  harsh  measures  of  oppression,  as  to 

9 


call  forth  from  them  the  protest  of  the  independence  agitation  of  this 
year.  The  unarmed  demonstrations  at  that  time  were  met  with  such 
brutality,  and  such  indignities  were  heaped  upon  the  aged,  upon  women 
and  girls,  and  upon  the  most  cultured  and  refined  of  the  people,  that 
our  hearts  were  stirred  to  their  depths  with  indignation,  and  we  were 
forced  for  the  sake  of  humanity  to  give  expression  to  our  protests. 
Now  we  hear  with  satisfaction  the  promises  of  the  new1 2 3 4 5 6  administration, 
and  eagerly  await  the  carrying  out  of  the  program  of  reform. 

In  accordance  with  the  sincere  and  cordial  invitation  of  the  Governor 
General,  expressed  to  the  Federal  Council  through  his  personal  repre- 
sentative, Mr.  Shibata,  we  take  this  opportunity  to  lay  before  the 
Government  what  we  deem  to  be  the  most  imperative  changes  neces- 
sary, if  real  religious  liberty  and  educational  freedom  are  to  be  secured. 

In  presenting  this  statement  with  its  suggestions  for  changes  in 
governmental  regulations  or  policy,  we  are  not  proposing  anything  in 
the  nature  of  a settlement  of  political  questions.  What  we  present  is 
a statement  of  our  opinion  as  to  what  is  necessary  in  order  to  secure 
real  religious  liberty,  to  promote  the  moral  welfare  of  the  people,  and 
to  ensure  freedom  for  the  church  to  develop,  without  being  directly  or 
indirectly  hampered  by  the  Government. 

We  urge  that  religious  liberty,  which  is  already  guaranteed  by  the 
constitution  of  the  Empire  of  Japan,  as  of  all  other  great  nations,  be 
made  effective. 


I.  — In  regard  to  our  evangelistic  work  we  respectfully  request: — 

1.  That  fewer  restrictions  be  placed  upon  the  church  and  upon 
missionaries. 

2.  That  discrimination  against  Christians  and  against  Christianity 
by  officials  be  not  allowed. 

3.  That  the  Government  encourage  the  right  of  petition  and  com- 
plaint. 

II.  — In  regard  to  educational  work  we  respectfully  request: — 

1.  That  we  be  allowed  to  include  the  teaching  of  the  Bible  and 
religious  exercises  in  the  curricula  of  our  church  schools. 

2.  That  restrictions  on  the  use  of  the  Korean  language  be  removed. 

3.  That  we  be  accorded  more  liberty  in  the  management  of  our 
schools  and  freedom  from  unnecessary  official  interference. 

4.  That  teachers  and  pupils  be  allowed  liberty  of  conscience. 

5.  That  Koreans  be  allowed  the  opportunities  for  education  as  are 
provided  for  Japanese,  and  that  greater  freedom  be  granted  in  the 
selection  of  textbooks  and  that  restrictions  on  the  study  of  Korean  and 
universal  history  be  removed. 

6.  That  graduates  of  private  schools  holding  Government  permits 
be  eligible  for  all  privileges  accorded  to  graduates  of  Government 
schools  of  the  same  grade. 


10 


7.  That  the  Government  do  not  impose  upon  private  schools  ex- 
cessive financial  requirements. 

III.  — In  regard  to  medical  work  we  respectfully  request: — 

1.  That  the  details  of  the  management  of  our  hospitals  be  left  to 
the  staff  without  interference  from  officials. 

IV.  — In  regard  to  Christian  literature  we  respectfully  request: — 

1.  That  the  censorship  of  Christian  books  be  abolished. 

2.  That  we  be  not  restricted  in  our  church  newspaper,  magazines 
and  other  publications  to  publishing  merely  church  news  and  religious 
literature. 

3.  That  Colporteurs  and  others  engaged  in  selling  the  Bible,  tracts 
and  other  Christian  literature  be  not  hindered  by  the  local  officials  from 
freely  carrying  on  their  work. 

V.  — In  regard  to  the  holding  of  property  and  financial  matters  we 

respectfully  request: — 

1.  Facilities  for  the  incorporation  of  the  Korean  Church  and  of 
the  Missions  so  that  property  can  be  held  and  registered  in  their  names. 

2.  We  have  felt  that  the  law  requiring  special  permits  for  soliciting 
contributions  for  hospitals,  schools  and  benevolent  work  to  be  too 
stringent. 

3.  We  call  the  attention  of  the  Government  to  the  fact  that  church 
buildings  and  property  have  been  destroyed  by  Government  agents  and 
that  so  far  in  most  cases  there  has  been  no  reparation. 

VI.  — Moral  reform. 

We  request  drastic  reformation  of  the  laws  relating  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  houses  of  prostitution,  and  we  protest  against  the  system 
of  prostitution  as  permtited  and  protected  by  the  Government,  and 
forced  upon  the  Korean  people,  outraging  their  customs  and  feelings. 

We  request  reformation  also  in  the  laws  affecting  the  production, 
manufacture  and  sale  of  opium  and  morphine. 

We  request  also  the  reformation  of  the  laws  concerning  the  liquor 
traffic,  and  ask  for  the  restoration  of  the  power  of  local  option  which 
existed  under  the  former  Korean  administration,  by  which  the  people 
of  a village  were  able  to  prohibit  the  establishment  of  saloons  in  their 
vicinity.  Now,  under  police  protection  licenses  are  issued  and  saloons 
established  against  the  wishes  of  the  people. 

We  request  that  the  law  which  forbids  the  use  of  cigarettes  by 
the  Japanese  under  a certain  age  be  made  to  apply  to  Koreans  also. 

We  request  the  enactment  of  laws  restricting  child  labor  and 
regulating  the  conditions  surrounding  the  laborers  in  factories  and 
mines. 

\V  e request  that  Christian  men  who  are  convicted  for  political 
offenses  only,  be  not  forced  to  perform  Sunday  labor  or  other  forms 
of  work  which  violate  their  consciences. 


11 


In  connection  with  this,  we  add  the  request  that  we  be  accorded 
the  privilege  of  ministering  to  the  religious  and  moral  needs  of  those 
who  are  in  prison. 

Concluding  statement 

In  conclusion,  as  a missionary  body  we  do  most  earnestly  protest 
against  the  cruelty,  barbarity  and  injustice  which  Were  so  manifest  in 
the  conduct  of  the  soldiers,  gendarmes  and  police  in  meeting  the  un- 
armed demonstrations  of  the  people;  conduct  which  was  in  many  places 
emulated  by  the  civilian  Japanese  population  with,  in  many  cases,  the 
connivance  of  the  police,  and  without  punishment  by  the  authorities 
when  their  attention  was  brought  to  the  facts. 

We  also  protest  against  the  cruel  methods  often  used  at  the  pre- 
liminary examinations  of  prisoners  in  order  to  extract  confessions  from 
them  and  to  secure  evidence  against  others. 

We  include  in  our  protest  the  refusal  of  access  to  legal  counsel 
before  preliminary  trial  and  the  detention  for  long  periods,  sometimes 
in  solitary  confinement,  before  conviction. 

We  record  our  sincere  gratification  that  the  Imperial  Government 
of  Japan  has,  in  part,  withdrawn  those  responsible  for  offenses  and  has 
promised  far-reaching  reforms. 

While  recognizing  that  the  Korean  people  have  many  just  causes 
for  resentment,  we  take  this  opportunity  of  recording  our  condemnation 
of  assassination  as  an  unjustifiable  crime,  and  we  express  our  thank- 
fulness for  Your  Excellency’s  escape  from  the  bomb  thrown  at  the 
time  of  your  arrival  in  Seoul. 

We  have  read  with  deep  appreciation  the  proclamations  of  Your 
Excellency,  and  heard  Your  Excellency’s  statements  of  your  intention 
to  reorganize  the  whole  system  of  government. 

All  genuine  reforms  will  be  sympathetically  observed,  and  we 
eagerly  watch  for  signs  of  change  from  the  former  methods  of  the 
police.  We  regret  to  have  to  call  the  attention  of  Your  Excellency 
to  the  fact  that  the  infliction  of  severe  corporal  punishment,  which  has 
resulted  in  the  death  of  some  and  the  maiming  of  others  for  life,  is  still 
being  continued.  Several  cases  were  admitted  to  the  Severance  Hos- 
pital last  week,  and  six  more  applied  for  admission  as  late  as  Sep- 
tember 28th. 

We  respectfully,  yet  more  earnestly,  urge  upon  Your  Excellency 
the  speedy  abolition  of  racial  discrimination  against  the  Koreans  in 
the  matter  of  flogging  and  of  police  summary  judgment. 

We  eagerly  await  the  promised  reforms  and  assure  Your  Excel- 
lency that  all  you  accomplish  will  have  our  fullest  appreciation. 

All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

Signed  on  behalf  of  the  FEDERAL  COUNCIL, 

HUGH  MILLER,  Chairman, 

B.  W.  BILLINGS,  Secretary. 

Seoul,  September  29.  1919. 

12 


5.  Conference  of  the  New  Governor  General  with  Representa- 

tive Koreans 

Early  in  October  the  Governor  General  also  convened  a 
conference  of  some  fifty  Koreans,  representing  the  thirteen 
provinces.  The  purpose  was  to  discuss  the  question  of  the 
reforms  desired.  The  result  of  the  conference  was  the  submis- 
sion of  a list  of  nineteen  requests  the  burden  of  which  was  a 
demand  for  equal  treatment  with  the  Japanese.  The  full  report 
of  those  demands  has  not  come  to  hand  but  a newspaper  report 
published  in  Japan  gives  the  following  summary: 

The  establishment  of  city  councils  in  each  town  and  district 
in  preparation  for  future  self-government ; 

Frequent  meetings  of  Koreans  from  the  provinces  for  an  ex- 
change of  views; 

Compulsory  primary  education ; 

Freedom  of  speech,  meetings  and  publications; 

Abolishment  of  the  colonization  policy; 

Pardon  for  participants  in  the  uprisings,1; 

Sale  to  Koreans  of  all  state  lands  formerly  owned  by  the 
people; 

Abolishment  of  the  land  appropriation  laws ; 

Abolishment  of  the  “censorship  of  the  people.” 

6.  Reforms  Already  Introduced 

A number  of  reforms  were  soon  put  into  operation.  Among 
these  were  the  removal  of  the  sword  as  an  emblem  of  authority 
from  school  teachers  and  railway  officials,  and  abandonment  of 
the  military  uniforms  from  all  except  soldiers  and  their  officers. 
The  restoration  to  Koreans  of  the  right  of  using  private  bury- 
ing  grounds  was  granted  at  the  special  request  of  Koreans.  Sar- 
castic reference  to  this  reform  is  unjustified,  since  the  Koreans 
themselves  made  special  request  for  it,  and  were  generally  and 
deeply  pleased  to  recover  the  old  liberty. 

The  widely  announced  policy  of  “equal  treatment  and  equal 
salaries  for  Japanese  and  Koreans  of  the  same  status”  turns  out 
to  have  been  another  instance  of  promises  that  miscarried. 
While  basal  salaries  of  the  lowest  grade  police  are  not  so  mark- 
edly different,  the  bonus  system  produces  differences  that  nullify 
the  promises,  and  causes  increased  distrust  and  indignation  on 
the  part  of  the  Koreans. 


13 


During  the  autumn  the  Governor  General  secured  important 
changes  in  the  personnel  of  the  administration  putting  his  own 
appointees  in  nearly  all  the  key  positions.  His  immediate 
subordinate,  Dr.  Midzumo,  was  a man  of  wide  administrative  ex- 
perience in  the  home  Government.  The  new  Chief  of  Police, 
Mr.  Akaike,  had  been  Governor  of  Shidzuoka  Ken  (province). 
The  entire  police  system  was  thus  transferred  from  a military  to 
a civil  system.  Japanese  gendarmes  numbering  1,135  and  Korean 
gendarmes  numbering  568  were  discharged  and  4,788  new  re- 
cruits for  police  service  were  secured  in  Japan,  of  whom  3,334 
had  not  before  served  as  police.  In  order  to  fit  them  for  their 
duties  in  Korea,  Japanese  pastors  were  invited  to  tell  them  the 
principles  of  Christianity.  The  gendarme  system  has  been 
abolished;  the  police  force  now  aggregates  16,313,  of  whom 
7,520  are  Koreans. 

The  change  from  the  military  gendarmes  to  the  civil  police 
was,  however,  made  in  such  a blundering  way  as  to  secure  the 
least  possible  psychological  benefit.  In  too  many  cases  the 
same  men  merely  changed  their  uniforms  with  a change  in  the 
sign-boards  over  their  offices  from  “Gendarme  Headquarters” 
to  “Police  Headquarters.”  It  was  not  easy  for  Koreans  to  realize 
that  a new  set  of  rules — civil  not  military — were  to  be  enforced, 
or  that  the  Chief  of  Police  in  Seoul  was  now  a broadminded 
civilian  and  no  longer  an  autocratic,  insistent  militarist. 

Among  the  new  higher  officials  are  such  men  as  Mr.  Shibata, 
in  charge  of  the  Department  of  Education  and  Religion,  secured 
from  the  Osaka  Provincial  office.  He  appointed  as  his  special 
assistant  a Japanese  Christian  pastor,  Mr.  Date,  who  was  for 
many  years  in  America  and  Hawaii  as  Commissioner  of  Immi- 
gration. In  the  section  on  Religion  is  another  Christian  pastor, 
Mr.  Yoshikawa,  formerly  of  Kanazawa.  In  the  Department  of 
Foreign  Affairs  are  three  Japanese  Christians.  It  is  stated  on 
good  authority  that  the  Government  is  even  seeking  for  the  services 
of  a foreign  councilor. 

“There  have  always  been  a number  of  (Japanese)  Christians” 
writes  Rev.  Frank  Herron  Smith  (Japan  Advertizer  March  30, 
1920)  “among  the  higher  officials  in  Seoul.  It  was  a strange 
coincidence  that  while  many  of  the  higher  officials  were  returned 
to  Japan  when  the  administration  was  changed  last  summer,  not 
one  of  these  Christians  was  removed,  and  they  are  still  here. 


14 


They  are  as  fine,  upstanding  Christian  laymen  as  one  will  find 
anywhere  in  the  World.  In  addition  three  Christians  were  added 
to  the  Section  of  Religions  in  the  Educational  Department,  and 
two  to  the  Foreign  Department.  Two  of  these  men  are  Metho- 
dists and  twro  are  graduates  of  good  American  colleges.” 

In  November,  Dr.  Midzuno  held  in  Tokyo  a remarkable  con- 
ference with  about  200  missionaries.  He  reported  to  them  the 
situation  in  Korea  and  the  plans  of  the  new  Government  Gen- 
eral for  reforms.  Addresses  were  also  made  by  representatives 
of  the  missionaries  which  were  as  frank  and  outspoken  as  those 
given  to  Baron  Saito  by  the  missionaries  of  Korea. 

In  December  an  extended  announcement  was  made  of  pro- 
posed changes  in  the  curricula  of  both  the  primary  and  higher 
schools.  These  changes  are  regarded  with  favor  by  Koreans 
as  well  as  by  missionaries,  in  so  far  as  they  go.  All  are,  how- 
ever, still  “looking  anxiously  for  an  announcement  of  the  repeal 
of  the  ordinance  compelling  all  teaching  to  be  done  in  the  Japan- 
ese language  after  April  1,  1920,  and  forbidding  the  insertion  of 
the  Bible,  even  as  an  optional  textbook,  and  the  holding  of  any 
religious  ceremonies  in  private  schools.” 

As  this  manuscript  goes  to  press  word  comes  from  Seoul 
of  the  announcement  on  March  7th  of  the  new  educational  regu- 
lations, whereby  private  schools  will  be  allowed  to  teach  Korean 
children  in  their  own  language.  Religion  and  the  Bible  may 
also  be  taught  in  private  schools.  If  the  announcement  means 
what  it  says,  the  Government  General  has  taken  a highly  im- 
portant step  in  granting  one  of  the  most  urgent  requests  of 
the  missionaries  and  the  Koreans. 

Several  important  reforms  urged  by  the  “Federal  Council  of 
Protestant  Evangelical  Missions  in  Korea”  have  also  been  in- 
stituted in  regard  to  the  relations  of  the  Churches  to  the  Gov- 
ernment General.  For  instance:  Application  for  official  permis- 
sion to  open  or  establish  a Church  or  preaching  house  is  no 
longer  required ; a report,  however,  of  such  opening  must  be 
filed  within  ten  days.  The  list  of  “religious  propagators”  here- 
tofore required  annually,  is  no  longer  required.  Certain  vexa- 
tious requirements  as  to  Church  statistics  are  annulled.  Fines 
heretofore  imposed  for  non-compliance  with  registration  pro- 
visions are  eliminated.  But  provision  is  made  for  the  suspension 
or  closure  of  Church  buildings  used  for  seditious  purposes.  Cor- 


15 


porations  may  now  be  formed  for  holding  mission  or  r.eligious 
property. 

On  January  6,  1920,  according  to  recent  despatches  three 
daily  independent  newspapers  in  the  Korean  language  were 
licensed  in  Seoul.  This  is  in  complete  contrast  with  the  repres- 
sive policy  of  the  previous  administration,  under  which  every 
independent  Korean  paper  was  suppressed. 

“The  Chief  of  the  Division  of  political  police”  writes  Dr. 
Schofield  (Japan  Advertiser,  March  12),  under  whose  super- 
vision the  papers  will  be  published,  has  evidenced  a spirit  of 
marked  liberality.”  He  has  permitted  “an  old  and  bitter  enemy 
of  the  Japanese  administration  to  return  to  Korea  as  editor  of 
one  of  the  dailies.  Pardon  has  also  been  given  to  another  politi- 
cal offender  that  he  may  take  up  an  important  position  on  the 
same  paper.” 

The  weekly  newspaper  issued  by  the  Federal  Council  of 
Protestant  Evangelical  Missions  in  Korea  has  also  received  per- 
mission to  print  secular  news,  hitherto  denied  on  the  ground  that 
the  paper  professed  to  be  a religious  paper.  This  privilege  has 
long  been  desired  by  the  Missions.  Its  permission  indicates  an 
important  change  in  governmental  policy. 

On  January  19,  1920,  the  first  draft  of  the  regulations  regard- 
ing self-government  for  the  provinces  of  Korea  was  completed, 
thus  indicating  that  the  new  Government  General  is  proceeding 
wfith  its  plans  as  announced  in  September. 

The  “Central  Council”  (Korean)  has  recently  been  convened 
for  the  second  time — the  first  session  was  held  in  October,  1919- 
The  announcement  is  made  that  hereafter  it  will  hold  weekly 
sessions  and  “that  the  Government  General  will  communicate  its 
plans  to  the  Council  and  hear  its  views.” 

While  this  pamphlet  is  in  press  word  is  received  that  the 
Supreme  Court  has  rendered  a decision  that  the  “thirty-three 
signers  of  the  Independence  Manifesto  are  not  to  be  prosecuted 
under  the  law  concerning  sedition,  but  that  their  offence  was 
against  the  Peace  Preservation  Law.”  This  decision  is  ascribed 
by  our  correspondent  to  the  fact  that  one  of  the  Judges  of  the 
Court  is  a prominent  Japanese  Christian.  “The  decision  will 
not  please  the  fire-eaters  among  the  Japanese.”  “Relatives  and 
friends  (of  the  thirty-three  signers)  have  been  permitted  to 
see  them  for  some  time  past.” 


16 


An  important  economic  reform  was  the  abolishment  of  cer- 
tain regulations  regarding  the  formation  of  companies,  industrial 
and  commercial.  The  old  regulations  had  prevented  Koreans 
from  sharing  in  the  developing  wealth  of  the  country.  Japanese 
enterprises  had  been  given  every  favor  and  opportunity.  The 
new  regulations  open  the  doors  to  Korean  enterprise  also. 
“Already  hundreds  of  new  companies  have  been  formed,  ex- 
clusively of  Koreans,  capitalized  anywhere  between  $25,000  to 
$5,000,000.”  (Japan  Advertizer,  March  14,  1920.)  The  new 
laws  are  intended  to  develop  and  encourage  Koreans  and  they 
are  responding. 

7.  Promise  to  Abolish  Flogging 

In  October  1919  announcement  was  made  that  the  penalty  of 
“flogging”  would  be  abolished  in  April,  1920,  and  that  pledge  has 
been  repeated  on  several  occasions.  Explanation  was  made  that 
this  barbarous  custom  was  not  introduced  by  Japan  upon  its 
annexation  of  Korea,  but  was  merely  taken  over  from  the  prac- 
tice of  the  former  Korean  Government,  as  were  many  other  cus- 
toms. The  official  reason  given  for  delay  in  its  abolishment  is 
that  the  alternative  penalty  is  imprisonment,  for  which  there  is 
insufficient  accommodation  since  the  prisons  thus  far  built  have 
been  on  the  basis  of  the  prompt  release  of  petty  offenders.  The 
officials  therefore  say  that  the  change  would  require  the  building 
of  additional  prisons  and  that  this  needs  time. 

8.  Governmental  Relief  Measures 

The  Government  General  of  Korea  has  also  taken  active 
steps  towards  repairing  the  losses  caused  to  Koreans  by  soldiers 
and  police.  As  stated  in  January  by  an  official  in  Seoul,  the 
sum  of  Y.  28,160  had  been  expended  for  relief  in  the  case  of 
burned  villages  and  Y.  18,000  for  rebuilding  churches  and 
schools.  Japanese  Christians,  moreover,  raised  Y.  4,200  to  help 
rebulid  churches  in  Korea,  which  sum  was  sent  to  Korea  in 
December,  1919,  by  the  hands  of  a committee  representing  the 
churches. 

An  American  missionary  took  active  part  for  many  weeks 
in  administering  relief  to  villagers  whose  homes  had  been 
burned.  He  testifies  that  “the  provincial  officials  did  all  that  I 
asked  them  to  do.  I first  asked  for  Red  Cross  help  for  the 
wounded  and  sick ; then  for  food  for  the  sufferers.  For  some 


17 


six  or  seven  weeks,  or  until  after  the  wheat  and  barley  harvest, 
they  gave  an  average  of  three  ‘go’  of  good  rice  per  person  per 

day  to  all  the  people  who  had  been  burned  out 

Temporary  shelter  and  barracks  were  built Seed 

was  given  to  them  and  farming  utensils,  free  of  cost 

The  Goverment  also  transported  free  of  cost  all  the  goods  that 
the  various  Red  Cross  associations  gave.” 

9.  A Statement  by  Governor  General  Saito 

Early  in  January  the  Governor  General  received  a group  of 
representative  journalists  and  correspondents,  speaking  at  length 
and  in  detail  regarding  his  reform  policies.  The  need  of  funda- 
mental changes  in  the  policy  and  methods  of  the  previous  ad- 
ministration were  fully  recognized.  The  aim  of  the  new  ad- 
ministration he  stated  to  be  the  “promotion  of  popular  welfare 
by  introducing  institutions  of  revolutionized  civilization  and  so 
to  attain  the  ultimate  object  of  making  Japanese  and  Koreans 


equal  in  political  and  social  status and  the  further- 
ance of  popular  prosperity  and  happiness It  is  my 


intention  to  abolish  such  old  institutions  and  measures  as  were 
or  might  be  in  the  future  likely  to  become  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  the  mutual  understanding  of  governors  and  governed,  and,  in 
order  to  open  free  and  unfettered  channels  for  interchange  of 
view,  to  do  away  with  formality  in  government  and  all  red- 
tnpeism.” 

Laws  and  orders  will  be  simplified  as  much  as  possible. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  meeting  will  be  granted  as  far  as  sucb  freedom 
does  not  interfere  with  the  maintenance  of  public  peace  and  order, 
while  the  greatest  effort  will  be  put  forth  to  conduce  to  the  stability 
of  the  national  life,  the  promotion  of  national  aspirations,  and  the 
enhancement  of  the  general  well-being  by  carrying  out  reform  in 
education,  industry,  communication,  sanitation,  social  relief  work  and 
all  other  administrative  affairs.  ...  A great  deal  will  depend  on  the 
co-operation  of  local  corporations.  Investigations  and  studies  are  al- 
ready being  pushed  on  with  a view  to  introducing  a system  of  local 
self-government  at  the  first  proper  opportunity.  ...  In  short,  my 
aim  lies  in  the  promotion  and  development  of  the  national  life  and  the 
laying  of  the  foundation  of  a civilized  government. 

In  the  coming  fiscal  year  the  ancient  institution  of  flogging  will 
be  ended  and  the  educational  machinery  extended.  . . . No  ex- 

tended reform  work  can  be  executed  all  at  once  and  on  the  spur  of 
the  moment.  It  requires  time.  For  all  things  there  is  a certain  order 
of  procedure.  ...  I trust  the  time  will  come  when  I shall  have 
convinced  the  public  of  my  good  faith  and  loyalty. 

18 


III.  CONTINUANCE  OF  THE  INDEPENDENCE 
MOVEMENT 


1.  Repeated  “Uprisings”  and  Continued  Arrests 

In  spite  of  the  new  policy  adopted  by  the  Japanese  Imperial 
Government  and  in  spite  of  the  change  of  governors  and  the 
introduction  of  important  reforms  and  promises  of  others  along 
the  lines  desired  by  the  revolutionists,  as  indicated  in  the  fore- 
going sections,  the  Independence  Movement  is  still  maintained. 
This  is  partly  because  the  movement  aims  at  national  independence 
and  is  therefore  not  satisfied  with  reforms  that  leave  the  country 
subject  to  Japan;  partly  because  the  reforms  are  not  regarded  as 
going  far  enough;  partly  because  some  of  the  serious  abuses  are  still 
continued,  and  partly  because  the  intentions  of  Japan  are  not  trusted. 
Occasional  uprisings  have  been  reported  from  time  to  time,  fol- 
lowed by  fresh  arrests.  Moreover,  during  the  autumn,  reports 
were  current  of  continued  brutal  treatment  on  the  part  of  the 
police.  The  statement  of  the  missionaries  to  Baron  Saito  cites 
one  instance.  On  the  day  before  Christmas  five  men  were  taken 
to  the  Severance  Hospital  in  Seoul,  members  of  a group  of  six- 
teen who  had  been  flogged  and  discharged. 

Early  in  January,  according  to  a dispatch  given  to  the  Press 
on  March  6th,  the  police  discovered  the  “Korean  Women’s  Pa- 
triotic Association.”  Some  80  women  were  arrested  including, 
according  to  the  report,  29  nurses  and  employes  of  the  Severance 
Hospital,  11  teachers  and  students  of  the  Chongsin  Girls’  School, 
and  13  nurses  and  employes  of  the  Women’s  Hospital.  The  con- 
nection of  these  persons  with  missionaries  was  emphasized  by 
the  Seoul  Press. 

On  January  8th  a dispatch  published  in  Tokyo  told  of  the 
arrest  of  some  20  women  participating  in  a public  “demonstra- 
tion” of  whom  four  were  nurses,  carrying  a banner  with  the  in- 
scription, “Long  live  the  independence  of  Korea.” 

A report  published  in  Japan  on  March  19,  1920,  states  that 
Rev.  E.  M.  Mowry  had  been  deprived  by  the  Provincial  Gov- 
ernment of  Pyengyang,  of  his  recognition  as  principal  of  the 
Boys’  and  Girls’  Mission  Schools.  The  cause  assigned  was  that 
in  spite  of  warning  he  had  not  prevented  the  pupils  from  cele- 
brating “Independence  Day.”  The  higher  pupils  had  absented 
themselves  from  school  en  bloc  and  had  shouted  “Mansei.” 


19 


2.  The  Case  of  the  Pai  Chai  Haktang  and  Higher  Common 
School 

On  March  8,  1920,  a cable  was  published  in  New  York,  stat- 
ing that  two  Mission  Schools  in  Seoul  had  been  closed  by  the 
police  because  the  principals  had  not  prevented  the  pupils  from 
celebrating  “Independence  Day.”  The  facts  are  now  reported 
by  several  correspondents. 

Six  communications  from  the  Provincial  Governor  had  strictly 
forbidden  not  only  “celebrations”  but  even  “failure  to  attend 
school.”  The  Principal  of  the  Pai  Chai  School,  a missionary, 
read  the  official  notices  to  the  entire  school,  explained  the  mean- 
ing and  advised  implicit  obedience.  Monday,  March  1st,  pre- 
caution was  taken  to  keep  any  possible  “agitators”  from  meeting 
any  of  the  boys  at  the  entrance  to  the  school.  Representatives 
of  the  police,  the  Provincial  Government  and  the  Government 
General,  inspected  every  room  in  the  school  and  called  the  roll 
themselves.  In  the  afternoon,  however,  the  entire  body  of  the 
students  absented  themselves. 

At  chapel  next  morning  the  Principal  told  the  boys — 152 
pupils  being  present — that  they  had  broken  the  school  rules 
and  would  all  be  punished.  Government  inspectors  were  pres- 
ent and  called  the  roll  again.  The  Principal  secured  a promise 
from  the  boys  that  they  would  attend  the  afternoon  session. 
This  promise  was  kept.  During  the  lunch  recess,  however, 
“shouting  from  beyond  the  city  wall  found  a response  in  com- 
motion among  the  boys  who  were  playing  around  the  grounds.” 
On  the  assembling  of  the  school,  the  chief  building  was  promptly 
surrounded  by  a cordon  of  police.  On  asking  the  reason,  the 
Principal  was  informed  by  the  Japanese  that  the  boys  had 
shouted  “Mansei.”  The  boys  and  also  teachers  denied  the 
charge,  though  “there  was  extra  stamping  as  the  boys  went 
upstairs.”  Prolonged  discussion  between  the  officials  and  the 
Principal  occupied  the  afternoon.  “At  about  seven  in  the  eve- 
ning, the  police  began  the  machinery  of  inquisition 

The  questioning  kept  on  till  just  before  midnight,  when  the 
police  took  with  them  14  students  and  one  teacher  for  further 
examination.” 

The  next  day  the  Principal  secured  from  the  teachers  and 
pupils  the  facts  as  to  the  inquisition.  “A  total  of  46  were  mal- 
treated in  one  or  more  of  the  following  ways:  Slapping,  punch- 


20 


ing,  kicking,  wrists  twisted,  an  object  inserted  between  the 
fingers  and  these  pressed  until  the  blood  started.” 

That  evening  the  Principal  was  notified  that  his  “permit  to 
act  as  Principal  had  been  revoked.”  It  does  not  appear  that 
the  school  was  ordered  closed. 

Governor  General  Admiral  Saito  was  in  Tokyo  at  the  time. 
When  asked  in  regard  to  the  situation,  he  expressed  deep  regret 
at  what  had  occurred,  and  added  that  as  he  had  no  information 
as  to  details  he  could  make  no  comment.  But  he  did  say,  as 
reported  that  “what  has  happened  is  probably  a technical 
breach.”  He  was  much  disturbed,  however,  because  the  Diet 
had  suddenly  been  dissolved,  leaving  him  “without  sufficient 
funds  to  carry  on  the  administration.”  This  will  affect  the  date 
of  carrying  into  effect  the  pledge  to  “abolish  flogging  as  a punish- 
ment.” 

Later  word  brings  the  information  that  the  Principal  was 
summoned  by  wire  to  Tokyo  by  Bishop  Welch.  The  two  were 
permitted  to  have  an  audience  with  the  Governor  General  and 
a promise  was  made  to  re-open  the  case  on  the  return  of  the 
Governor  General  to  Seoul.  The  issue  between  the  local  officials 
and  the  school  Principals  “is  whether  foreign  principals  are  to 
investigate  political  matters  at  the  behest  of  the  police.”  The 
Principals  take  the  ground  that  such  action  would  involve  them- 
selves in  politics  from  which  as  missionaries  they  are  strictly 
required  to  abstain. 

3.  The  Provisional  Government  of  the  Republic  of  Korea 

The  headquarters  in  the  Far  East  of  the  Korean  Independ- 
ence Movement  are  in  Shanghai.  From  thence,  as  headquarters, 
the  various  uprisings  and  agitations  in  Korea  are  apparently  en- 
gineered. At  Shanghai  is  located  the  so-called  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Republic  of  Korea.  It  claims  to  have  been  es- 
tablished by  the  proper  election  of  delegates,  who  convened  in 
Seoul,  Korea,  April  23,  1919,  and  adopted  a Constitution  creating 
the  Republic.  They  also,  as  reported,  elected  a National  Council, 
with  Mr.  Syngman  Rhee,  now  in  the  United  States,  as  President 
of  the  Republic  and  Mr.  Tong  Hui  Yee  in  Shanghai,  China,  as 
Prime  Minister. 

The  “Korean  Commission  to  America  and  Europe”  was  sent 
abroad  and  presented  its  appeal  in  Paris.  It  is  now  established 


21 


at  Washington,  D.  C.  Important  and  well  edited  documents 
have  been  published  and  widely  circulated. 

4.  The  Movement  in  the  United  States  for  Korean  Independence 

The  most  important  support  for  the  movement  outside  of 
Korea  and  Shanghai  is  here  in  the  United  States.  The  Bureau 
of  Information  for  the  Republic  of  Korea  and  the  Korean  Stu- 
dents’ League  of  America  have  their  headquarters  in  Phila- 
delphia. The  same  offices  are  also  used  by  the  Philadelphia 
League  of  the  Friends  of  Korea.  This  latter  organization  con- 
sists exclusively  of  American  citizens.  The  Korean  Review 
gives  a monthly  report  of  all  matters  of  interest  connected  with 
the  movement.  A program  for  raising  a loan  of  $5,000,000,  on 
certificates  to  be  paid  with  interest  “within  one  year  after  the 
recognition  of  the  Republic  of  Korea  by  the  United  States”  has 
been  launched  by  the  Koreans. 

Leagues  of  the  Friends  of  Korea  have  been  established  in 
fourteen  cities  of  the  United  States.  Under  the  influence  of  able 
Korean  and  American  speakers,  resolutions  are  passed  and 
ordered  sent  to  President  Wilson,  to  Congress  and  to  the  Senate 
Foreign  Relations  Committee,  calling  for  sympathy  and  aid  by 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  for  the  Korean  people  in 
their  aspirations  for  liberty  and  a democratic  government  In 
September,  Senator  Phelan  of  California  introduced  a resolution 
to  this  effect  which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations. 

IV.  THE  PROBLEM  CONFRONTING  AMERICANS 

The  facts  given  in  the  foregoing  sections  make  it  clear  that 
problems  of  a serious  nature  are  arising  in  which  American 
citizens  have  grave  responsibilities. 

It  is  natural  that  Korean  patriots  should  appeal  to  American 
Christians.  For  the  Christians  of  America  for  more  than  thirty 
years  have  been  so  interested  in  that  country  as  to  maintain 
there  unusually  large  and  successful  missions.  Over  400  Ameri- 
can missionaries  are  now  in  Korea,  each  with  a circle  of  sup- 
porters and  personal  friends  in  America.  Liberty-loving  Ameri- 
cans who  boil  with  indignation  over  wrongs  and  crimes  against 
weak  and  dependent  peoples  naturally  respond  with  deep  sym- 
pathy for  Koreans  and  desire  to  help  them  in  every  proper  way. 


22 


But  here  appear  a number  of  perplexing  questions.  What 
can  and  what  may  Americans  rightly  do?  By  what  steps  can 
the  Korean  people  be  protected  and  their  culture  be  preserved? 
What  kind  of  influence  can  and  should  be  brought  to  bear  upon 
Japan?  In  a word,  what  duty  toward  Korea  and  toward  Japan 
have  American  Christians  under  present  world  conditions? 
Should  we  support  and  encourage  radical  patriotic  Koreans  in 
their  demands  for  immediate  independence?  Should  we  lead 
them  to  expect  help  from  America  or  from  American  Christians 
in  their  political  enterprise?  If  we  should,  by  what  methods 
can  we  render  that  aid?  And  what  would  be  the  probable  con- 
sequences? To  Korea?  To  Japan?  And  to  our  mutual  rela- 
tions? If  we  should  not,  what  should  we  do? 

The  Commission  on  Relations  with  the  Orient  has  given 
careful  study  to  these  matters  at  many  meetings.  Certain  facts 
and  considerations  it  desires  to  state  with  clearness  and  direct- 
ness for  information  and  suggestion  to  those  who  are  considering 
their  duty  in  regard  to  these  momentous  issues. 

1.  Americans  naturally  and  inevitably  sympathize  with  the 
patriotic  aspirations  of  every  people  struggling  for  independence 
from  an  alien  rule  and  especially  from  one  that  has  been  so 
harsh,  militaristic  and  has  so  signally  failed  to  give  reasonable 
consideration  to  the  feelings  of  the  people  as  appears  to  have 
been  the  case  in  Korea.  The  intrinsic  right  of  every  people  to 
justice  and  fair-dealing,  to  the  preservation  of  its  own  language 
and  literature;  to  its  customs  and  culture  where  these  are  not 
repellant  to  the  conscience  of  the  world;  and  to  a reasonable 
degree  of  autonomy,  we  believe  to  be  axiomatic. 

2.  The  policy,  therefore,  of  the  former  Japanese  military 
Government  General  in  Korea  to  force  the  assimilation  of  the 
Korean  people  by  the  Japanese  in  such  a way  as  to  obliterate 
the  Korean  language  and  cherished  Korean  customs  impresses 
Americans  as  intrinsically  unjust. 

That  policy  also  appears  to  Americans  to  be  both  futile  and 
foolish.  Germany  especially  tried  it  with  utmost  vigor  for 
decades  on  various  annexed  areas,  but  in  vain. 

3.  The  era  of  nations  maintaining  their  existence  and  their 
place  in  the  world  on  the  basis  of  military  power  is,  we  hope, 
coming  to  an  end.  But  it  is  not  yet  gone.  Korea  became  sub- 
ject to  Japan  because  she  was  too  weak  to  resist  the  encroach- 


23 


ments  first  of  China,  then  of  Russia  and  finally  of  Japan.  Under 
the  world  system  that  has  thus  far'  prevailed,  small  and  weak 
peoples  in  nearly  every  part  of  the  world  have  succumbed  to 
powerful  and  aggressive  nations.  The  Far  East  has  for  decades 
been  coming  under  the  political  domination  of  competing  Euro- 
pean powers.  Japan  saved  herself  from  subjection  to  them  b> 
developing  with  extraordinary  speed  and  skill  a reorganized 
social,  industrial  and  governmental  life,  together  with  great  mili- 
tary power.  China,  large  though  she  is,  has  been  falling  before 
those  European  powers  and  before  Japan  for  lack  of  a similar 
ability  to  adjust  her  life  and  her  government  to  world  condi- 
tions. 

4.  What  is  to  happen  in  international  relations  during  the 
coming  decades?  The  great  military  peoples  will  no  doubt 
watch  each  other  with  closest  care  to  see  if  the  rest  are  sincere 
and  honest  in  the  renunciation  of  policies  of  expansion  by  mili- 
tary power,  even  if  some  form  of  international  organization  may 
be  set  up.  In  no  part  of  the  world  do  small  subject  nations 
have  any  prospect  whatever  of  attaining  independence  save 
through  the  adoption  by  the  great  powers  of  more  liberal  policies 
toward  their  hitherto  subject  peoples,  and  through  the  estab- 
lishment of  some  form  of  associated  international  responsibility 
for  such  nations. 

5.  Americans,  as  a rule,  regard  the  chief  issue  in  Korea  as 
essentially  one  of  humanity  and  justice  for  Koreans.  Japan  and 
many  Koreans  regard  the  chief  issue  as  political.  Japan  sees 
it  as  involving  her  security  and  integrity  as  an  empire.  An 
independent  Korea  liable  to  become  again  a possible  strategic 
foothold  for  a hostile,  powerful  foe,  would  be  dangerous  for 
Japan.  Under  present  world  conditions,  accordingly,  Japan  no 
doubt  feels  that  she  could  not  possibly  consent  to  Korean  inde- 
pendence. She  would  doubtless  feel  it  necessary  to  exert  her 
entire  military  power  to  prevent  it. 

6.  That  America  as  a nation  would  under  existing  condi- 
tions attempt  to  intervene  in  a military  way  to  help  free  Korea 
from  Japanese  rule  is  entirely  out  of  the  question. 

7.  Under  existing  international  conditions,  therefore,  and 
especially  under  those  existing  in  the  Far  East,  will  not  con 
tinued  effort  on  the  part  of  Koreans  to  secure  immediate  inde- 


24 


pendence  have  three  results: — (l)Increasing,  prolonged  and  use- 
less tragedy  in  Korea,  involving  the  punishment  of  the  unarmed 
revolutionists  and  of  those  who  are  even  suspected  of  sym- 
pathizing with  them ; (2)  more  complete  military  domination  by 
Japan;  and  (3)  failure  to  secure  even  the  promised  reforms? 

8.  Is  there  then  no  hope  for  Korea?  Must  she  fall  back  into 
hopeless  despair  and  submit  to  ignoble  extinction?  By  no 
means.  The  display  of  such  high-spirited  and  noble  patriotism 
as  has  come  from  tens  of  thousands  of  Koreans  during  the  past 
year  has  inspired  all  friends  of  Korea  with  new  respect  for  the 
people  and  new  hope  for  their  future. 

9.  Friends  of  Korea  should  remember  that  readiness  for 
independence  under  a democratic  form  of  government  depends 
on  the  fitness  of  a people  trained  in  self-control  and  educated  for 
citizenship.  Such  a goal  cannot  be  reached  at  a single  stride. 
The  local  autonomy  promised  by  Japan,  if  carried  into  effect, 
may  be  wisely  utilized  as  a needful  step  to  the  final  end.  It  is 
not  to  be  lightly  assumed  that  Japan  will  never  grant  autonomy 
or  even  independence.  Already  certain  Japanese  political  leaders 
are  advocating  the  former  while  certain  publicists  are  discussing 
the  latter. 

10.  It  should  be  clearly  recognized  that  the  Korean  ques- 
tion is  not  primarily  an  issue  between  paganism  and  Christianity 
as  some  are  saying.  The  Japanese  Government  General  is  not 
seeking  “to  wipe  out  Christianity  in  Korea.”  If  the  police,  gen- 
darmes and  other  government  officials  spy  upon,  arrest  and  ter- 
rorize Christians  and  invade  and  violate  churches,  as  they  have 
been  doing,  it  is  because  they  suspect  political  aims  and  activi- 
ties among  Christians  and  in  the  churches.  Christian  teaching 
and  the  Christian  life  undoubtedly  develop  personality  and 
initiative,  with  the  spirit  of  noble  patriotism  and  with  a passion 
for  justice,  righteousnes  and  fair  play.  It  has  been  almost 
inevitable,  therefore,  that  a Government  bent  on  forced  assimila- 
tion and  humiliating  subordination  of  the  Korean  people,  should 
find  a serious  obstacle  in  the  Christian  churches.  Yet  the  Gov- 
ernment General  has  repeatedly  declared  that  it  seeks  to  sup- 
press sedition,  not  Christianity.  The  Korean  question  is  primarily 
political  and  not  religious.  To  confuse  or  to  identify  th,ese  issues  is 
a grave  error. 


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CONCLUSION 


In  the  light  of  these  considerations  what  is  the  duty  of 
American  friends  of  Korea  and  of  Japan? 

1.  Should  we  not  make  clear  to  them  both  our  indignation 
at  the  cruelties  practiced  in  the  police  examinations  and  punish- 
ments and  our  conviction  that  these  practices  should  cease  at 
once  ? 

2.  Should  we  not  let  Japan  know  that  we  are  watching  with 
keenest  interest  and  attention  the  method  of  her  procedures  in 
Korea  and  earnestly  urge  her  to  carry  through  the  promised 
reforms  promptly  and  effectively? 

3.  Should  we  not  support  the  elements  in  Japan  that  are 
guided  by  high  ideals  in  their  efforts  to  secure  full  rights  and 
fair  dealings  for  Koreans? 

4.  Should  we  not  advise  our  Korean  brethren  to  co-operate 
with,  rather  than  to  oppose  the  Government  General  in  its  plans 
and  efforts  to  introduce  reforms? 

5.  Should  we  not  further  make  clear  to  them  both : — 

(a)  Our  abiding  hope  that  ultimately  Korea  will  secure 
and  Japan  will  grant  either  independence,  or  such  a measure 
of  autonomy  as  shall  seem  to  the  Korean  people  the  most 
desirable  means  of  realizing  their  destiny. 

(b)  Our  belief  that  under  present  world  conditions  the 
important  and  practical  objective  for  immediate  effort  is  to 
secure  effective  reforms  by  which  to  ensure  economic  justice, 
educational  and  religious  liberty,  freedom  of  press,  of  speech 
and  of  assembly  arjd  as  large  a measure  as  possible  of  gen- 
uine local  self-government.  These  are  inherent  rights  and 
legitimate  objects  for  immediate  attainment  and  should  be 
fully  recognized  and  granted  by  Japan. 

(c)  Our  conviction  that  the  promptness  and  the  reality 
with  which  Japan  grants  these  reforms  and  rights  will 
measure  her  fitness  to  administer  government  in  Korea  and 
will  also  prove  an  important  factor  in  influencing  American 
attitude  toward  Japan. 


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We  rejoice  in  the  recent  declaration  of  Baron  Shibusawa  that 
“The  Golden  Rule  is  as  effective  in  international  relations  as  it 
is  between  individuals  and  that  those  nations  will  profit  most 
who  base  their  external  policies  upon  moral  principles.”  We 
need  mutually  to  remind  each  other  that  the  Golden  Rule  must 
be  put  into  actual  practice  if  it  is  to  produce  its  expected  effects. 


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